Prime minister of Malaysia

The strength of the new unity government in Malaysia lies in three aspects: Strategic, legal and relational, says this academic.

But the passing of the confidence vote with an (indirect) two-thirds majority is a sign that while it is difficult, it is not impossible. This enabled PH to present and partially act on their proposal (i.e., allowing BN to hold the Menteri Besar post in Perak and Pahang) before PN. In contrast, the relational aspect appears riskiest. At the start of coalition negotiations to form government, PH had an advantage given the friendship between UMNO president, Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, and PH leader, Anwar Ibrahim. With the MOU, statutory declarations “auctioned and sold” as a sign of support in past governments appear inferior. In contrast, UMNO’s experience of dealing with PN was insincere. Understandably, BN ultimately chose the partner who accorded them more respect. PH has proven itself to be a powerhouse in urban areas, but it remains weak in the rural, conservative Malay, and East Malaysian settings. Essentially, both the MOU and anti-hopping law prioritise the importance of political parties over individual members of parliament (MP). In the recent general election, PN bagged nearly all northern West Malaysia seats. Seat negotiations typically break down when parties’ potential support bases are grossly similar, like Muda and Parti Keadilan Rakyat, United Malays National Organization (UMNO) and Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia and Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS). The figures showed that Anwar likely has the elusive two-thirds majority.